Chapter three of Ways of the World, titled “State and
Empire in Eurasia/North Africa (500 B.C.E.-500 C.E.), covers what the book
calls the second wave of civilizations following those of Mesopotamia, Egypt,
Norte Chico, and the like. There is a lot of comparisons going on in this
chapter First was “Empires and Civilizations in Collision,” basically: The
Persian Empire Vs. the Greek Empire. Then there is the literal comparison of
the Roman and Chinese empires, which, according to the reading, rose around the
same time but had very little direct contact with each other. And then it goes
into what it calls the “intermittent empire,” that of India.
I’d just like to mention or comment on, as I usually do and
will continue to do, the things I found interesting.
The chapter discusses what an empire is. At one level, they
are “simply states, political systems that exercise coercive power” (106). This
is strikingly different from the emergence of chiefdoms during the Paleolithic
era, where rulers used generosity, gifts, ritual status, and charisma, among
other things to bolster support; less methods of coercion (45). But of course,
with many of these second wave and even first wave civilizations that became
increasingly militarized, it is not a surprising thing that this would become
part of the definition of an empire. It seems to be a pattern and a vehicle to
conquering and expanding an empire as well. The book goes on to say that the
term “empire” is “normally reserved for larger and more aggressive states,
those that conquer, rule, and extract resources from other states and peoples
(106).
I found it a peculiar statement when I read that one of the
reasons why people might study empires is because “the fall of the mighty seems
somehow satisfying, perhaps even a delayed form of justice” (106). I can’t put
my finger on what bothers me about it. I can see why this would be a reality of
thought for some, but I can’t imagine it would be for all. I am not sure what I
think of it myself, obviously. Maybe I don’t feel I can judge those empires of
the past to that extent, since I never lived through them.
I do, however, find myself judging based on my own life
experience. And then the statement makes sense depending on the circumstances. For
example, the story of Darius, a Persian absolute monarch, having a nobleman and
his entire clan killed because Darius was interrupted while being with his
wife. First off, hold up. Did you really have to react like that? Seriously?
The fact that his words and commands were absolute is that scary to me, who
lives in a completely different time. I know it was scary and lethal for the
people being killed. I cannot say what it was like for those who had to carry
out those commands. The book says that “In the eyes of many, Persian monarchs
fully deserved their effusive title,” (108) so therefore, I must conclude that
those who followed these leaders saw what they were doing as right, even as if
they were carrying out the will of the gods, as many of these civilizations’
leaders attributed their status to being descended from or as carrying out the
will of gods or heaven.
I found reading about the Chinese Emperors’ duty to rule by
the Mandate of Heaven, which “was neither a place nor supreme being, but rather
an impersonal moral force that regulated the universe” (125) to be slightly
relieving. This was because, according to this mandate, the emperor needed to
rule morally and benevolently. But then I wondered what constituted morals and
benevolence among these people and to those they conquered and assimilated into
their culture. I suppose I would need to study Confucianism and more of their
history to find the answer. I would need to do similar things with the other
empires covered in this chapter as well, since it does not go in depth about
it. It looks like the next chapter, might though, so I may touch on this again.
I always knew that Greek culture and thinking suffused
itself through conquering, but I never really thought about how it would
diffuse itself even after being conquered. And I mean how, not if, seeing as so
much of its ideas, architecture, art, and other things survive to this day,
much of it expanded upon by the Romans and others. It is important to remember
that their political experiments, though far different from today, helped shape
the political ideologies of the Western world. How significant that is.
The last thing I liked reading about, which helped put into
perspective the statement I found peculiar, was the Trung Trac rebellion. She,
a Vietnamese woman, along with her sister, led a rebellion against the conquering
China. She gained an entire army of support, literally, with thirty-six female
generals. And yet, records would later explain the failure of this revolt as
women’s leadership. Wow… Does that not sound like a very subjective answer?
Nonetheless, it inspired later resistance movements and the Trung sisters are
celebrated even today.
This chapter was intriguing because I have learned so much
about these civilizations in school when I was younger, with the exception of
India perhaps, which information came to me more through pop culture for some
reason. It was fun reading more about India, that it made strides in
mathematics and astronomy, and that “the absence of consistent imperial unity
did not prevent the evolution of a lasting civilization” (135).
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